| Title | : | Interreligious Dialogue: Case Study on BKSAUA in Manado, North Sulawesi |
| Author | : | Samsi Pomalingo (CRCS, 2004) |
| Keywords | : | BKSAUA, dialogue, liberation and global responsibility. |
| Abstract | ||
| This thesis tries to describe and analyze the role of BKSAUA on interreligious life in Manado, North Sulawesi. Formation of interreligious activities developed by BKSAUA is to keep the image of collaboration and interreligious harmony on that island. BKSAUA is an organization that has delegation members from the five religions that are allowed by the government, for example; Islam, Protestant Christian, Catholicism, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Also, this organization is formed in every region, such as in the province, regencies and the level of village. Its mission and orientation is to create interreligious harmony in North Sulawesi. Therefore, this research is to describe what is the form of interreligious activities and dialogue developed by BKSAUA in Manado. This thesis is written based on sociology of religious study that uses a functional approach like done by Robert Merton (1957), Talcott Parson (1937), and Kingsley Davis (1937). This approach is to analyze the function of BKSAUA in interreligious life in Manado, North Sulawesi. The result of research indicates the role of BKSAUA is to unify the heterogeneous communities and religions in Manado based on “the principle of unity”. In the spirit of unity, BKSAUA have executed the form of interreligious activities. One of the activities by this organization is interreligious dialogue. There are three forms of interreligious dialogue, consisting of: (1) Dialogue at the level of heads of religions (2) life dialogue, and (3) collaboration dialogue. But, from the result of research, the dialogue movement is still co-existence and has not yet moved to pro-existence in religious people. Transformation from co-existence into pro-existence is not only in ideas as a result of dialogue, but also in attitude, formula and format of social education. So, pro-existence means that dialogue is not only limited to the confession that we are different, but more important is how dialogue discusses global responsibility toward human suffering and ecological crisis. Then, collectively, they have to begin something to change the reality of destitution, starvation, exploitation and ecological crisis. Here, a freeing model dialogue that has global responsibility is needed to be formulated. This dialogue namely is “liberation dialogue”. |
||
Pos oleh :
| Title | : | Interfaith Dialogue at the Grassroots Level |
| Author | : | Siti Sarah Muwahidah (CRCS, 2007) |
| Keywords | : | Interfaith dialogue, grassroots empowerment, religious identity |
| Abstract | ||
| Interfaith dialogue is commonly used in building peace and understanding among religious groups. Swidler (2000) claims the interreligious project cannot becarried out only by scholars and leaders of the world religions; the ideas and concerns of the grassroots communities must also be voiced and heard. Such a project must work on all three levels-scholars, leaders, and grassroots-or it will not work at all. I present findings of my fieldwork in a small village in East Java, Indonesia, where land authority problems became a common ground for conducting interfaith cooperation. I observed interfaith empowerment efforts led by a group of Catholic activists and students who arrived in 1997, which successfully supported the villagers in claiming their land. According to Paul Knitter (1995), grassroots interfaith cooperation will necessarily be followed by interfaith dialogue. In this thesis, my first question concerns whether the subsequent dialogue that follows interfaith cooperation in Banyu Urip can be claimed as interfaith dialogue; my second question concerns the significance of the interfaith program in Banyu Urip. The feasibility of starting and maintaining interfaith programs in Banyu Urip was made more difficult for the following reasons. In the first place, the villagers had suffered economically and politically under a variety of regimes, from the Dutch Colonials to interference from the PKI, and eventually local governments. They had no control or authority over the very land they had lived on, and derived their living from. Thus, they were like displaced persons in their own country. Further, religion was imposed on them from outside: their native Javanese practices were proscribed by the Indonesian government and they were forced to convert to one of the five acceptable religions. This combination of forces – both political and religious, and both imposed from outside – meant that the villagers were doubly oppressed. This has led to cynicism concerning religion and government. However, the villagers generally feel that both Christians and Muslims worship the same God, a pragmatic approach that probably was developed due to the villagers’ long suspicion of the intentions and agendas of the outsiders; i.e., the villagers had more in common with each other than they did with the missionaries, NGOs, and other groups that tried to interfere in their lives. But it also meant that they would not take the strictures of their faiths very seriously. My general finding is that in communities that have a lack of knowledge of their own particular religions subsequent dialogue may take other forms which are different from that of Knitter’s description. A kind of liberative dialogue became necessary to overcome this cynicism and suspicion and to create a forum where the villagers could exert some control over their village and their lives, as well as strengthen the interreligious relationship among them. Success in the economic and political sector encouraged success in the interfaith sector, and vice versa. |
||
Title: Scientific Interpretation Concerning Creation of Man in the Bible and the Qur’án
Author: Suparjo (CRCS, 2004)
Keywords: God, creation, evolution, interpretation, and theology
Abstract:
The Bible and the Qur’án use various terms and descriptions concerning creation of man. On the one hand, both scriptures describe direct and instant creation of man by God; but on the other hand, both describe gradual creation of man that reveals continuing creation. This makes people of those scriptures become different in understanding it.
| Title | : | Imlek New Year Celebration in Mosque: Assimilation through Converting Religion and Politics of Identity |
| Author | : | Ubed Abdilah S (CRCS, 2005) |
| Abstract | ||
| This research focused on a minority of a minority group in Indonesia—the Moslem group of Indonesian Chinese—which have risen from silence. After the New Era of Indonesian Reformation of 1998, protests escalated and democracy widened through the country, suddenly Chinese group as part of Indonesian society found themselves at the center of discussion. Riots of May 1998 are considered as worst violence towards Chinese in Indonesia but it has also made Indonesian society, in some ways, more tolerant of Chinese existence. The post Soeharto’s government made new policies towards ethnic Chinese criticizing New Order Policies. The Post New Order governments tried to accept this minority group as well as other groups of ethnicity. The first policy made the ethnic Chinese to have a free Chinese New Years celebration (Imlek), followed by reducing other rules which discriminated the ethnic Chinese like media representations, cultural performances and language expression. One exception is religious expression which still has not been acknowledged as national religions. Moslem Chinese in Indonesia have strongly struggled for their identity. It has been conducted and supported by the New Order regime as a way of assimilation program. It is assumed by converting to Islam, assimilation would be successful because Islam is the religion held by the majority of Indonesians (Junus Jahja, Hamka). Becoming a Moslem in Indonesia, Chinese are more acceptable as an aspect of Indonesian (pribumi) than Buddhist Chinese or Christian Chinese. There are images and perceptions, in some ways, that Christianity is a colonial religion, coming from the West and held by people who colonized Indonesia for more than 300 years. So, being Christian is supposed to be not being Indonesia, and issues which are related to Christianity always become crucial and political. In the sense of freedom after Soeharto’s regime was defeated, Moslem groups of Indonesian Chinese wanted to express their identity as Chinese as like others. This group wanted to be considered as Chinese as well as Moslems. A Moslem group of Chinese in Yogyakarta expressed their Chinese identity by celebrating the Chinese New Year (Imlek) 2555 (early 2004) in a Mosque named Masjid Syuhada, Kotabaru, Yogyakarta. They assumed that Imlek is merely a cultural tradition not a religious festival of certain religion or belief. So, it could be celebrated by all Chinese, whatever religion. For the beginning this celebration launched, there was a Moslem group (Majelis Mujahidin) disagree with this celebration assuming that Imlek was a bid’ah or Syirik (not allowed by the Sunnah) and coming from Kong Hu Cu. But finally, the celebration was successful. Through Cultural Studies approach, Postmodern Theory and Deconstruction Theory, this research tries to examine how politics of identity operates when a Moslem Chinese group in Yogyakarta expressed their Chinese identity and their Islamic identity as well within Imlek New Years celebration. Politics of identity appeared also when a Moslem group rejected this celebration because of their different understanding about Imlek New Years. Moreover, politics of identity apparently rises up Chinese identity on public sphere of Indonesian, but on political areas such as political parties, institutions and pressure groups. These contesting identities later forced democracy being urged to be practiced, as well as political transparency, and good government and freedom of expression. |
||
| Title | : | Peace and Dialogue: Sociological Review of Dialogue and Peace Initiative in Ambon 1999 – 2004 |
| Author | : | Yance Zadrak Rumahuru (CRCS, 2005) |
| Keywords | : | conflict, dialogue, social community |
| Abstract | : | |
| This thesis explores the great theme of peace and dialogue within the context of social community (religious people) in Ambon that is reviewed through sociology approach. The study aims to, first, describe how parties involved in communal conflict in Ambon developed dialogue and peace efforts; second, give a map of dialogue process and peace effort done by government and community groups during the conflict in Ambon. It is a disadvantage that discourses about Maluku during conflict tend to be done in form of dichotomy and confrontation between religious communities that blasphemed and killed each other, and just looking for their own trueness or discover violence aspect of the conflict rather than discover some facts on efforts of community groups and government in building dialogue and peace. This research was done in Ambon, by focusing in two locations: Negeri Batumerah in Sirimau subdistrict and Negeri Passo in Teluk Ambon Baguala subdistrict of Ambon town. The choice of these regions is based on consideration that Batumerah and Passo are places that were centers of conflict in Ambon in 1999 to 2002. Second, each negeri has a high level of diversity especially in ethnic background. Third, Batumerah and Passo are customary areas, which culturally have common cultures and traditions with other areas in Ambon and Maluku Tengah entirely. Subjects of the research are kings, local figures, community figures, and youths in two regions. To get data required, the author gave questionnaire consisting of questions with close answers and open answers the respondents should fill. Then, the author made focus group discussion (FGD) with community groups in Batumerah and Passo. Third, in-depth interview was done with 14 informants in the two regions. Research in Passo and Batumerah indicates that government and community groups use structural and cultural approach in order to cease and settle conflict as prerequisite to build reconciliation and rehabilitation in Maluku. However, there is assessment by the local community that government (state) tended to use a structural approach. On the other side, communal groups made dialogue and peace initiative through a bottom- up approach and used local wisdom or pride that in this thesis is called cultural approach. |
||
| Title | : | Sunan Kudus’ Dakwah and Inter-Religious Relationship |
| Author | : | Zaenal Muttaqin (CRCS, 2005) |
| Keywords | : | Sunan Kudus’ tolerance, cultural dakwah, inter-religious harmony |
| Abstract | ||
| This research aims at exploring the strategy of dakwah applied by Sunan Kudus when preaching Islam in the early period of Islam in Java and the model of inter-religious relationship occurred in his lifetime. Islam was initially spread in Kudus by Muslims traders from Arab and China. In Kudus, before the coming of Islam, most people were Hindus. Others held Buddhism and local religious beliefs, i.e. animism and dynamism. Not sooner did Sunan Kudus arrive, he became aware that Islam should be taught by using local traditions. He tried to understand previous religious traditions existing in Kudus and then decided to preach Islam while still retaining traditions followed by local people to create harmony in society. The media used by Sunan Kudus to introduce Islam were the prohibition of slaughtering cow as a valuation to Hindus teaching, building temple-shape minaret of Kudus mosque as an architectural combination, and building an eight waterspouts cistern as an appreciation of eightfold path of Buddhism. However, the accommodation and tolerance to other religions did not neglect the prime focus of Sunan Kudus, i.e. preaching Islam to religious others. The goal to convert Hindus and Buddhist people to Islam in Sunan Kudus’ dakwah was indicated as the fulfillment model of inter-religious relationship. From his attitudes to other religious teachings and symbols, Sunan Kudus honored other religions. The valuation of cow as holy in Hinduism, the temple-shape minaret of Al-Aqsha mosque, and the eight waterspout cistern had become the acknowledgement of Sunan Kudus that there were any other ways of salvation within non-Islam religions, particularly Hinduism and Buddhism. Yet he kept on his way preaching Islam since he convinced that Islam is the last and final truth and revelation. |
||