|Title||:||THE QUR’AN AND RELIGIOUS PLURALISM (Fazlur Rahman’s Perspective)|
|Author||:||Ahmad Zainal Abidin|
|Keywords||:||Rahman, the Qur’an, and Religious Pluralism.|
|This research aims at comprehensively understanding Fazlur Rahman’s thought on religious pluralism based on the Qur’an. His position as a pioneer of neo-modernism living in Islamic country, Pakistan and in the west, USA made him easyly access both traditions. This background in some extent influences the development of Rahman’s thought.
Rahman’s thought is primarily based on his attention to reassert Islamic renewal. His concern is how to understand the Qur’an properly as the primary source of ethics. For him, basic elan of the Qur’an is monotheism and social justice. He then developed his systematic methodology to sustain by firstly asserting some basic assumptions. He saw the importance of of finding the ethical-universal values. It is a way to avoid the contradictional-individual verses.
He then developed his systematic methodology. His methodology to understand the Qur’an consists of two movements, we called it ‘the double movement theory’: from present situation to the time of revelation and from the time of revelation back to the present contect. Some additional sciences are needed to do so.
There are several groups mentioned in the Qur’an as a different entities: the Muslims, the Arab Pagans, the Jews, the Christians, Sabeans, and Majus with different treatment by the Qur’an because of different attitude they do toward Muslims. For rahman, when the situation changed, the law guiding their interrelations could be changed.
From the Qur’anis ethics, he saw the roots of religious pluralism: religious freedom, the equality of humankind, and the unity of God and messengers. These principles, seen from historical fact surrounding it, should be the moral-universal standard to understand and treat the fenomenon of religious diversity in the Qur’an. From this, he emphasized on a fair competition between these groups save the Pagans; to compete each other in doing the goodness and the rightious in the basis of belief in God and the Last day. This is really the common platform of religions provided by the Qur’an. This is to say that the good community can be found anywhere. There is no claim of chosenness and salvation for just one community. Qur’anic critics againt people of the book as not to claim to be ‘the chosen” is really also the critics againts Muslims. For Muslim, there is no warranty to be under God’s guidance except they implement God’s injunctions.
Finally, there is a critical analysis for Rahman. A part from his great contribution, Rahman seems to be more focusing on methodology rather on its application. This is particulary related to the lack of particularising his basic principles he asserted in order to be suitable to recent situation. This lacuna is really our task today.
|Title||:||The Son of the Mosque: Religious Commodification within Social Relationship between Kyai and Madurese Workers in Malaysia|
|Author||:||Akhmad Siddiq (CRCS, 2008)|
|Keyword||:||kyai, religion, commodification, Madurese workers|
|This thesis attempts to describe manners of religious commodification within social relationship between kyai and Madurese workers in Malaysia, especially through Islamic preaching performed at the kongsi (provisional housing of migrant workers in Malaysia). The process begins from kyai’s visit Malaysia to collect money for their Islamic institutions, e.g. pesantren, madrasah and mosques. Using religious capitals, kyai, as religious leader, perform any Islamic activities amongst Madurese communities in Malaysia to achieve their economic interests. In doing so, kyai consistently keep the habitus of kyai-ship and reveal the lineage, the power of charisma.
Religious commodification is usually produced in a specific cultural context, and thus, it requires a comprehensive understanding of its cultural boundary. Hiding behind the purity of religious teachings, the kyai coming to Madurese worker communities in Malaysia, use religion as a symbolic capital to get their economic purposes. Kyai profoundly know the significant effects of having religious authority; religious attributes, symbols and rituals are very important to maintain their influence in Madurese worker’s life. In the social structure of Madurese, kyai have charismatic power because of their role in Madurese sosio-history, namely in religious realm. According to Zamakhsyari (1982), kyai are leader of pesantren (Islamic boarding school), who dedicate their life to teach Islamic values. Iik Arifin Mansurnoor (1990) classified Madurese kyai into (1) local kyai and (2) supra-local kyai. Supra-local kyai have a bigger role and higher status in the society, so they have a wider connection than local kyai to develop pesantren; find an access to the government, foundations, or wealthy individuals to enhance the pesantren. Unlike supra-local kyai, local kyai have a narrow connection: it is difficult for them to find financial support to develop their pesantren. Some local kyais visit Malaysia to arrange pengajian (Islamic preaching) to collect financial support from Madurese workers.
This research elaborates participant observation and in-depth interview with Madurese workers in Malaysia during a monthly-research-stay at the kongsi in Kuala Lumpur and Selangor. I have chosen these two districts of central Malaysia Peninsula because the majority of Madurese workers are working there. Additionally, it is being supported by secondary data.
As conclusion, this thesis notes that the most important things for the kyai’s visit Malaysia is an economic profit; the milieu of religiosity and morality of Madurese worker seems as a secondary consideration. Even if kyai persistently said that the main purpose of their visit is da’wa and to collect financial support for their institution, Madurese workers currently understand what essentially occurs “behind the scenes”. It is no longer a part of religious curiosities. It is a piece of what Bourdieu said as a religious enterprise.
|Title||:||THE DYNAMIC OF JAVANESE RELIGIOUS ORIENTATION (Early Twentieth Century of Javanese Epistemology)|
|Author||:||Ary Budiyanto (CRCS, 2004)|
|Keywords||:||Javanese – Religions; Javanese – Epistemology|
|This thesis studies the important scene of the Javanese epistemology. In the late of nineteenth century and the dawn of the twentieth century, Javanese epistemology evolution was signaled by reformist Islam entering local-traditional of Islamic orthodoxy added by the infiltrating of ‘secular’ worldviews (i.e. humanism, nationalism) and Christianity. The coming of reformist Islam and Christianity (in which many of this Christianity were reformist too) made the traditional epistemology of Javanese bifurcate into three mainstreams: the realm outside the traditional Islam and the Islamic-Court is known as the Abangan realm, and the realm of inside the spectrum of the Courts known as the Priyayism realm. Although, the courts epistemology or priyayism is still embedded within Javanese Sufi epistemology [Islam Jawa] it regards, by the reformist santri, as uniquely a ‘Javanese worldview’.
Thus, the discourse of Islam reformist, Christian missionaries, and modern worldviews [secular humanism and theosophy] made the Javanese to re-cultivate their own understanding of the nature of being Javanese. Subsequent to the depiction of the narration of the late nineteenth century epistemologies of Javanese I will comparatively addresses Samin, Sadrach, and Rifai’, as each “spiritually inspired” Javanese fights for their dignity and identity in the shadow of their belief-system in the midst of the discourses. From there, I attempt to seize the problematical issues of their essentialism acts in identifying and defining their religiosity and ethnicity. In short, this paper tries to shed a light on the constellation of present Javanese religiosity by seeking the nineteenth century riddles. The point of this paper is to reach an understanding the layers of the emerging of the many local religious movements that occurred in twentieth century Java.