• Tentang UGM
  • Portal Akademik
  • Pusat TI
  • Perpustakaan
  • Penelitian
Universitas Gadjah Mada
  • About Us
    • About CRCS
    • Vision & Mission
    • People
      • Faculty Members and Lecturers
      • Staff Members
      • Students
      • Alumni
    • Facilities
    • Library
  • Master’s Program
    • Overview
    • Curriculum
    • Courses
    • Schedule
    • Admission
    • Scholarship
    • Accreditation and Certification
    • Academic Collaborations
      • Crossculture Religious Studies Summer School
      • Florida International University
    • Academic Documents
    • Student Satisfaction Survey
  • Article
    • Perspective
    • Book Review
    • Event Report
    • Class Journal
    • Interview
    • Wed Forum Report
    • Thesis Review
    • News
  • Publication
    • Reports
    • Books
    • Newsletter
    • Monthly Update
    • Infographic
  • Research
    • CRCS Researchs
    • Resource Center
  • Community Engagement
    • Film
      • Indonesian Pluralities
      • Our Land is the Sea
    • Wednesday Forum
    • ICIR
    • Amerta Movement
  • Beranda
  • islam
  • islam
  • page. 2
Arsip:

islam

Esoterisme Islam, Agama-Agama Lokal, dan Islam Jawa

BeritaHeadlineNews Thursday, 19 May 2016

Azis Anwar Fachrudin | CRCS | Report
“Pengalaman mistis ialah pengalaman akan Yang Misterius, dan karena itu tak bisa diungkapkan dengan kata-kata,” demikian ungkap Dr. Ammar Fauzi, pengajar di Sekolah Tinggi Filsafat Islam (STFI) Sadra, Jakarta, dalam seminar tentang esoterisme Islam dan agama-agama lokal Indonesia pada 17 Mei 2016. “Orang yang bisa berkata-kata tentang pengalaman mistis,” lanjut Ammar mengutip Ibn ‘Arabi, “adalah orang yang tidak tahu.”
Dalam seminar yang diselenggarakan atas kerjasama Program Studi Agama dan Lintas Budaya (CRCS) dan STFI Sadra di Sekolah Pascasarjana UGM itu, Dr Ammar Fauzi berbicara tentang beberapa konsep kunci dalam esoterisme Islam, terutama yang dirumuskan oleh Ibn ‘Arabi. Di antara konsep kunci itu ialah bahwa dalam kondisi ketika seseorang telah tenggelam dalam pengalaman mistis berjumpa dengan Tuhan maka yang terjadi pada dirinya ialah kondisi “bingung” (tahayyur) yang tak bisa dirasionalisasi dalam konsep-konsep dan karena itu upaya membungkusnya dalam kata-kata sama dengan reduksi.
esoterisme - pak ammarParadigma inilah yang kemudian membawa Ibn Arabi untuk menafsirkan ayat “waman yusyrik billah faqad dhalla dhalalan ba’idan” tidak dalam pengertian yang secara umum dikenal (“siapa menyekutukan Allah maka ia teramat sesat”). Kata “yusrik” di situ, dengan ditakwil (dikembalikan ke makna asalnya), bisa pula bermakna “menyamai atau berbagi sifat (syāraka)”, sehingga kita seorang hamba ber-yusyrik kepada Tuhannya—dan dengan demikian semakin mendekat pada aras Wujud-Nya—semakin ia akan mengalami dhalla, “kehilangan arah”, yakni kondisi ketika realitas empiris dan distingsi-distingsi yang dibuat manusia tidak lagi relevan baginya. Karena tafsir seperti ini, Dr Ammar mengklaim, sebenarnya Ibn ‘Arabi bisa disebut lebih literaris ketimbang Ibn Taimiyah yang sering diklaim sebagai ulama literalis dan pernah mengkafirkan ajaran wahdatul-wujud ala Ibn ‘Arabi.
Hal lain yang dibincangkan Ammar ialah tentang pendekatan fenomenologis yang mutlak harus diikutkan dalam setiap perbincangan tentang esoterisme. Esoterisme Islam, juga sebenarnya agama-agama lain, berpusat pada pengalaman, dan karena itu ia diketahui dengan dialami, bukan semata diperbincangkan dalam konsep-konsep dan dianalisis dengan rasio. Orang yang sudah mengetahui sisi esoteris agama mestilah orang yang pernah mencerap pengalaman itu. Caranya ialah dengan melibatkan rasa, satu konsep yang juga merupakan kata kunci—bahkan sekaligus pusat—dalam dunia kebatinan Jawa.
Hal yang terakhir inilah antara lain yang menunjukkan adanya benang merah antara Ibn Arabi dan esoterisme Islam-Jawa sebagaimana diungkapkan oleh pembicara lain, Herman Sinung Janutama, seorang praktisi kebatinan Jawa. Bila dalam Ibn Arabi kondisi perjumpaan dengan Tuhan ditandai dengan tahayyur, maka dalam kebatinan Jawa kondisi bertemu atau manunggal dengan Gusti Kang Murbeng Dumadi atau Sangkan Paraning Dumadi (Asal Segala Wujud) adalah suwung, kondisi “kosong-sunyi”, ketika waktu dan tempat tak lagi relevan. Esoterisme Islam-Jawa, lanjut Herman, berbasis pada Jagad Alit atau alam mikrokosmos—sebagai kontras bagi Islam-eksoteris yang berbasis Jagad Agung atau alam makrokosmos.
Alam mikrokosmos itu, menurut Herman, merujuk pada Sapta Pratala Suksma, yakni fakta-fakta menyangkut realitas di alam esoteris manusia, yang untuk mengaksesnya membutuhkan rasa. Satu operasi jarwo-dhosok dilakukan secara menarik oleh Herman: kata “arsy”, yakni singgasana tempat ‘bersemayam’ Hyang Maha Suksma, ketika ditulis dalam aksara Hanacaraka menjadi ha-ra- sa, atau ra-sa. Maka olah rasa adalah keharusan dalam mencerap pengalaman esoteris dalam Islam-Jawa. (Hal terakhir ini turut mengingatkan satu ungkapan terkenal dalam tasawuf: “Qalbul-mu’min ‘arsyu-‘Llah,” hati orang beriman adalah singgasana Allah.)
9ac16f3d-a411-44b5-8521-a34e750790cfBenang merah esoterisme Islam-Jawa itu juga tampak ketika Herman menunjukkan kitab Atassadhur Adammakna, serat karya Kanjeng Pangeran Harya (KPH) Cakraningrat atau Adipati Danureja VI, yang menulis serat itu berdasar pada ajaran dari Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono V. Dalam serat Karana-Jati di kitab yang ditulis KPH Cakraningrat itu tampak terurai konsep-konsep kunci tentang manusia yang fana—yang sebenarnya tidak ada—yang bisa ada sebab mendapat limpahan wujud dari Sang Wujud, Dat kang Esa. Bahkan kata kunci seperti “tajalli” (pengejawantahan Tuhan) pun disebut secara eksplisit dalam serat itu. Pemahaman ini pada gilirannya membawa pada pemahaman selanjutnya bahwa karena segala yang ada di alam semesta adalah sesama pengejawantahan (tajalli)-Nya maka seorang manusia Jawa yang paripurna mestilah menjaga prinsip “hamemayu karyenak tyasing sasama”, senantiasa menjaga perasaan dan hati orang lain dengan kata-kata dan perilaku yang benar dan tepat, sebagai wujud menjaga keselarasan alam (hamemayu hayuning bawana) yang tak lain merupakan wadag pengejawantahan Tuhan.
Satu operasi etimologis juga sempat diutarakan oleh Herman tentang akar kehidupan manusia yang—dalam Wirid Hidayat Jati wejangan kedua, Wedharan Wahananing Dat (Penjabaran Wadag Dzat)—disebut “kayu”, yang kemungkinan berasal dari bahasa Arab, “hayyu”, yang hidup. (Maka wirid “ya kayu” berarti “ya hayyu”, memanggil satu dari asma Allah.) Hal ini direspon oleh Dr Ammar bahwa bisa jadi istilah itu berhubungan dengan konsep “hayulah” dalam filsafat Wujud. Kata Arab “hayulah” diambil dari bahasa Yunani, “hyle”, yang selain berarti substansi dari sesuatu, atau Forma dalam filsafat Plato, juga bisa berarti—dalam filsafat Aristoteles—“kayu” (wood), kayu sebagai materi yang mendasari perubahan. Operasi etimologis ini ialah satu dari sekian banyak hal yang menandakan adanya keterhubungan erat antara filsafat Wujud, khususnya dari Ibn Arabi, dan esoterisme Islam-Jawa.
Namun demikian, uraian dari kedua pembicara di atas ditanggapi oleh pembicara lain, Dr. Samsul Maarif, dosen CRCS, dengan secara kritis menawarkan alternatif perspektif yang sudah dikembangkan dalam studi mutakhir agama-agama lokal (indigenous religions). Agama-agama lokal, ujar Maarif, sering tidak direpresentasikan dengan tepat sebab dilihat dari kaca mata agama-agama dunia (world religions), khususnya agama-agama Abrahamik (Islam, Kristen, Yahudi). Perspektif agama-agama dunia (dengan konsep-konsep kunci tentang Tuhan dan spiritualitas) yang kemudian dipaksakan untuk membaca fenomena agama-agama lokal ini seringkali berujung pada penghakiman bahwa agama-agama lokal adalah penganut “animisme”, kepercayaan akan adanya spirit yang mendiami pohon, batu, gunung, dsb. Para penganut agama-agama lokal itu lalu dikira sedang menyembah pohon, batu, gunung, itu, yang tak pelak memunculkan vonis seperti pelaku paganisme, syirik, dll. Karena cara pandang seperti ini, agama-agama lokal kerap dikaji dengan perspektif agama-agama dunia secara misionaris, yakni dengan target membuat mereka melakukan konversi ke agama-agama dunia itu.
Bila Dr. Ammar menyatakan bahwa kita tak bisa mempelajari agama tanpa membahas konsep Tuhan, Dr Maarif mengkritik bahwa dalam agama-agama lokal kita bisa membicarakan agama tanpa harus mengikutsertakan konsep Tuhan. Kata “Tuhan” itu sendiri, menurut Maarif, sebenarnya adalah adaptasi yang dilakukan misionaris Kristen masa kolonial saat menerjemahkan Bible. Kata yang dipakai untuk menyebut Yesus dalam Bible adalah “Lord”, dan ketika dicarikan padanannya dalam bahasa pribumi diambillah kata “Tuan”, yang kemudian menjadi “Tuhan”. Dengan kata lain, konsep “Tuhan” adalah bias agama-agama Abrahamik. Bahkan agama Buddha sebenarnya tak mengenal konsep Tuhan sebagaimana dipahami dalam agama-agama Abrahamik (yakni, “Tuhan-personal”). Konteks politik Indonesia pasca-1965 menyebabkan penganut Buddhisme di Indonesia harus melakukan invensi konsep Tuhan dalam konstruksi teologis mereka.
Sebagai kritik terhadap bias epistemologis agama-agama Abrahamik dalam membaca agama-agama lokal itu, Dr Maarif mengambil konsep yang pernah diajukan antara lain oleh Nurit Bird-David dalam penelitiannya tentang orang-orang suku Nayaka di India. Bird-David mengkritik konsep animisme yang bias kolonialisme itu dan menawarkan konsep “epistemologi relasional” untuk membaca agama-agama lokal. Inilah alternatif perspektif yang, menurut Maarif, lebih tepat untuk merepresentasikan agama-agama lokal Indonesia. Dalam epistemologi relasional, yang terjadi bukanlah kepercayaan akan adanya spirit atau roh di balik pohon yang kemudian disembah, melainkan relasi eksistensial antar sesama wujud yang diperlakukan sama-sama sebagai person, satu perspektif yang kemudian dipandang secara lebih luas sebagai bagian dari upaya mewujudkan keselarasan kosmos.
Dalam relasi interpersonal ini, kosmos dihuni dua macam person, yakni manusia dan non-manusia. Keduanya berkedudukan setara, dan karena itu menentang hierarki culture-nature yang dominan dalam agama-agama dunia (modern). Setiap wujud itu menjadi person ketika ia berelasi dengan person lain. Eksistensi suatu person ditentukan pada kualitas relasionalnya dengan person lain. Dalam ungkapan lain, hanya dengan menjalin relasi itulah ke-person-an (personhood) suatu wujud dapat mengaktual. Dengan memodifikasi ungkapan Descartes “saya berpikir maka saya ada” (cogito ergo sum), epistemologi relasional ini bisa diformulasikan dengan ungkapan “saya berelasi maka saya ada.”
Dalam relasi interpersonal ini, lanjut Maarif, suatu person bisa menjadi perusak atau penyelaras. Hanya dengan etika tanggung jawab dan resiprositas secara interpersonal dengan person yang lain (baik manusia maupun non-manusia) keselarasan alam bisa lestari. Etika resiprositas ini diwujudkan antara lain dengan prinsip timbal-balik: bahwa bila seorang telah mengambil suatu dari alam maka dia wajib memberi balik ke alam. Seorang penganut agama lokal memahami tanah (adat) sebagai person lain yang karenanya dia bisa berelasi dan eksis, sehingga kehilangan tanah sama artinya dengan merenggut satu bagian penting dari eksistensinya. Berkat perspektif seperti inilah, ujar Maarif, agama-agama lokal belakangan dipandang sebagai satu alternatif yang tidak bisa diabaikan dalam diskursus mengenai ekologi dan pelestarian alam.
Tentu saja perspektif interpersonal ini bisa diragukan apakah ia berlaku secara universal untuk agama-agama lokal di seluruh dunia. Bukan tak mungkin, karena perkembangan zaman sudah banyak agama-agama lokal yang terpengaruh agama-agama dunia dan menyesuaikan diri dengan, misalnya, menginvensi konsep teologis yang sebelumnya tidak ada. Namun demikian, perspektif interpersonal ini setidaknya sanggup membawa pada kesadaran kritis untuk meminimalisasi bias-bias dalam merepresentasikan agama-agama lokal—bias-bias yang bukan hanya menghantui dunia akademis melainkan juga telah memengaruhi diskursus politik, tak terkecuali di Indonesia.

Diskusi: Esoterisme Islam dan Agama-Agama Lokal Indonesia

BeritaNews Thursday, 12 May 2016


PEMBICARA
Dr. Ammar Fauzi
Sekolah Tinggi Filsafat Islam Sadra, Jakarta
“Esoterisme Islam: Aspek Kesejarahan dan Keperadaban dari Relasi Esoterisitas dan Rasionalitas”
Salah satu isu yang, kendati klasik, terus manjadi sorotan penelitian dalam filsafat agama ialah relasi esoterisitas dan rasionalitas. Banyak dimensi yang mungkin disoroti, entah dalam dimensi ontologis, dimensi epistemologis, dan dimensi teologis. Dimensi lain yang kiranya patut mendapatkan porsi perhatian yang sama ialah aspek kesejarahan dan keperadaban. Seperti juga isu komparatif lainnya, esoterisitas dan rasionalitas ditelaah hingga kerap mengawali polarisasi dua kutub ekstrem: ifrath dan tafrith.
Bagi masyarakat beragama, isu ini dengan seperangkat dimensinya tampak krusial, terutama tatkala mempengaruhi iman sebagai elemen dasar keberagamaan. Keberadaan dan sikap seorang beriman di dunia juga terdefinisikan secara lebih ketat oleh pola penanganannya terhadap relasi antara rasionalitas dan esoterisitas. Keseimbangan dua kutub relasi ini kiranya perlu diangkat sebagai bagian dari upaya menegaskan kehadiran iman keagamaan dalam pembangunan peradaban dan pembinaan sosial.

Wednesday Forum: Art in The Age of Islamophobia, Implications of the Display of Islamic art after 9/11

NewsWednesday Forum News Saturday, 7 May 2016

WhatsApp-Image-20160507 (1)
Abstract
My thesis is a critical analysis of the galleries of Islamic Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Met) in New York as a case study for contemporary understandings and representations of Islam through the display of Islamic art in a post-9/11 context. I explore the revival of Islamic art exhibitions since the events of September 11, 2001, where museums across the world have found themselves tasked with building and reconfiguring the display of Islamic art objects to provide visitors with a counter-narrative to the widespread fear of Islam propagated by mass media. By tracing the intertwined histories of the Islamic art discipline, colonial and post-colonial collecting practices, Orientalism and the universal survey museum, I situate my critique of the galleries within the complex realities of cultural heritage management in order to address the problematic limitations of this curatorial counter-narrative.
Speaker
Ruby Robina Saha is a Shansi English Language Teaching Fellow at Universitas Gadjah Mada. She divides her time between CRCS, where she co-teaches the Academic English course and the preparatory Summer Intensive course, and the English Language & Literature Department in the Faculty of Cultural Sciences (FIB). Prior to her appointment as a Shansi Fellow, Ruby received her BA(Hons) from Oberlin College, where she majored in Art History and Middle Eastern Studies. In 2013, she was awarded the Laurine Mack Bongiorno Prize for Art History majors, and she studied Art History and Politics at the University of Paris, where she carried out research on the galleries of Islamic art at the Louvre Museum. She wrote her graduating thesis on the politics of displaying Islamic art in Western museums after 9/11. Ruby has worked as an editor and contributing writer for several publications including The Wilder Voice, The Oberlin Review and Jurnal Humaniora. Since returning to Indonesia, her research interests have shifted to the intersection between culture and education policy, contemporary art and alternative media. After her fellowship, she plans to continue working in education and culture and intends to pursue a graduate degree in Arts Education in 2017.

Eco-Hermeneutics of Muslim Eco-Practitioners

Wednesday Forum News Monday, 29 February 2016

 
wednesdayforum-2016-03-02-00-banner-crcs
Abstract
Contemporary Muslim discourse on Islam and ecology displays a strong normative approach which deduces its views on Islam and environmental issues from the main textual sources of Islam. However, recent works on the ecological practices of Muslim individuals and communities are showing that such practices are not merely implementations of text-based norms; rather, they also engender new arguments and understandings. Putting attention only to normative debates tends to ignore the fact of pluralism within Islam and different ways of reading the Islamic texts, and the diversity of Muslim eco-practices as well. Following an examination of this discourse, this study focusses on how one Muslim eco-practitioner has developed, justified, and defend eco-friendly practices, and his ideas about Islam and ecology are lived through his practices. It shows that ecological practices not only apply normative texts, but also function in the formation of “Islamic views of nature” and “Islamic environmental ethics”. Finally this presentation also produces different narratives on Islam and ecology which need to be acknowledged and may prove more inspiring for advocacy than the apologetic ones.
Speaker
Najiyah Martiam earned her Bachelor’s degree in Agricultural Technology from Gadjah Mada University (UGM). After spending 4 years working on reproductive health issues, she came back to UGM to study for her Master’s degree in religious studies at the Center for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies (CRCS) where she currently works as public education staff. She is also researching Islam and ecology, and practising permaculture with her community. Her interests include religion and science, religion and ecology, Sufism and women’s spirituality, and music and spirituality.

Rethinking Waria Discourse in Indonesian and Global Islam

HeadlineNewsThesis Review Thursday, 25 February 2016

Farihatul Qamariyah | CRCS | Thesis Review

Two Warias are reciting the Qoran in  Public Discussion at the Pesantren of Waria Yogyakarta
Two Warias are reciting the Qoran in Public Discussion at the Pesantren of Waria Yogyakarta

The discourse of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans gender identities) is being contested everywhere lately in global discussion. Identity, gender, and human rights have generally provided the frame work for debate. The issue of LGBT is also critically regarded as a significant case within religion.  Scholars such as Kecia Ali and Scott Kugle are attempting to reinterpret and rethink Islam as a religion which is commonly understood as a blessing for all of mankind, in which contextually this religious essence also can accommodate diversity that extends to the acceptance of LGBT Muslims. Another example of this rethinking is the CRCS Student’s, Hary Widyantoro, thesis Rethinking Waria Discourse in Indonesian and Global Islam which examines the collaboration between Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic University activists and Waria santri at the Pesantren Waria al-Fatah which is located in Yogyakarta.
This research looks at the collaboration of scholar activists from Syariah and Law Faculty of Nahdlatul Ulama University of Jepara and waria santri (students of Islam who are born male but identify as feminine, terms discussed below), in rethinking and reconstructing the subjectivity of waria in Indonesian Islamic, thinking through the engagement of activities including in the space of social structure and religious lives. Significantly, this study can be a critical instrument in the field of both gender and religious studies, to examine how these scholar-activists are creating new ways of seeing waria from Qur’an and hadith and of teaching Islam to them as the subjects rather than objects of research. Moreover, it shows the process of rethinking which can offer an alternative view and hope for those who are not associated in the binary gender of male and female. The research questions which are raised up are: how do the scholar activists of Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic University of Jepara rethink the waria subject position? How did they develop the idea of religious partnership with the Pesantren Waria al-Fatah Yogyakarta? And what kind of waria discourse that the scholar activists suggested to provide a room for waria in social and religious lives?
It is clear that the discourse of LGBT however is not only talked over in the stage of global, but also at a local level such as in Indonesia. To see the case of waria santri in terms of transgender discourse and the activism of NU scholars in the act of collaboration, the author utilizes the theoretical application on Boellstorff’s idea on global and local suggestion and Foucault’s on the term of subjectivity as well as power relation in his genealogical approach. In analysis, using waria as the chosen terminology in this case marks their identity as a local phenomenon rather than transgender women to use a global term. This term became the primary term for this group after it was used by Minister of Religious Affairs Alamsyah in the 1970s. While taking the framework of Boellstorff on subjectivity and power relation, it helps the author in figuring out and understanding completely on how Muslims activists from NU University rethink of waria discourse, and how it is discussed by Muslims activist and the waria in the Pesantren. Additionally, subjectivity becomes the key point where the author can examine the role of waria based on the activists’ perspectives as a subject of their religiosities and of the truth of their beings, rather than only objects of views.
Waria as one of the local terms in Indonesia represents an actor of transgender in LGBT association that often experience such discrimination and become the object of condemnation. For waria, Identity is the main problem in the aspect of gender in Indonesian law. For instance, Indonesian identity cards only provide a male and female gender options, based on the Population Administration Law, and by the Marriage Law (No. 1/1974). By this law, they will have some difficulties to access the public services. Another problem regarding the social recognition, waria is perceived as people with social welfare problems, based on the Regulation of the Ministry of Social Affairs (No. 8/2012) that must be rehabilitated as a kind of solution. Furthermore, in the religious landscape, the content of fiqh (an Islamic jurisprudence) does not have much discussion on waria matters when compared to male and female stuff. Briefly, these are the problems that the scholar activists seek to answer.In the local course of Indonesian context, scholar-activists at Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic University of Jepara (UNISNU) educate Islamic religion to transgender students at the Pesantren Waria al-Fatah as the act of acknowledging their existence and their subjectivity to express identity and religiosity within ritual as well as practice.
Addressing this complicated context, the questions of transgender discourse represented by santri waria in this research is not only about the constitutional rights but also attach their religious lives in terms of Islamic teaching and also practice. While what the scholars identify as “humanism” is the basic framework in dealing with this issue, the universal perception of humanism in secular nature is different from the Muslim scholars’ understanding the idea of humanism when it relates to Islamic religion. Referring to this discussion, the NU activists have another view point in looking at waria as a human and Islam as a religion with its blessing for all mankind without exception. Hence, this overview leads them to rethink and reinterpret the particular texts in Islam, and then work with them in collaboration.
Since the term of collaboration becomes the key word in this research, the author gives a general framework on what so – called a collaboration in relation with the context of observation. The background is on the equal relation between scholar-activists and waria santri in the sense that the activists do not force or impose their perspective on waria. For instance, they allow waria santri to pray and to express their identity based on how they feel comfortable with the condition. In regard to the research process, the author conducted interviews and was a participant observer both in the Pesantren Waria al-Fatah in Yogyakarta and in the UNISNU campus, Jepara. He interviewed six Muslims scholar-activists from UNISNU concerning the monthly program they lead in Pesantren Waria especially about how they rethink waria discourse and its relation to religious and social lives, and another important point is on the scholars’ intention to do the collaboration. Furthermore, the author also draws on the history and programs of the pesantren by interviewing Shinta, who became the leader of the pesantren in 2014 following the death of the founder. He also made use of the Religious Practice Partnering Program’s proposal and accountability report and explored the scholars’ institution and communities where they have relation with to get some additional information about their engagement. The additional context is on the scholars’ affiliation, in this case bringing up the background of Nahdlatul Ulama as one of the biggest Muslims socio-religious organization known as Muslim Traditionalist and Indonesian Muslim Movement (PMII) which both of them apply the similar characteristic on ideology which is ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama’ah.
To some extent, the collaboration of scholar activists of Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic University and the santri waria at Pesantren Waria Al Falah rethinks the waria subject position in both their social and religious lives. First, they rethink the normative male – female gender binary which is often considered deviant, an assumption which causes the waria to experience rejection and fear in both their social and religious lives. The same thing happens as well in Islamic jurisprudence known as fiqh, where discussion of waria is absent and, consequently, they find it difficult to express their religiosities, including even whether to pray with men in the front or women behind, and which prayer garments to put on in order to pray.
According to Nur Kholis, the leader of the program from NU University and a scholar of fiqhwhose academic interest is the place of waria in Islamic Law, one answer can be found by categorizing waria as Mukhanats, and then considering them as humans equally as others. He argues that waria have existed since the Prophet’s time considered as mukhanats (a term for the men behave like women in Prophet’s time, according to certain hadith) by nature, or by destiny, and not by convenience. Understanding waria as mukhanats based on their gender consciousness can be a gate for waria to find space in Islam and also their social lives. The following significant finding related to this context is on the genealogy of the process of rethinking waria subject position. The author argues that this rethinking is grounded in Islamic Liberation theology and the method of ahl sunnah wa al-jama’ah, as way of thinking within PMII and NU have contributed and influenced how the activists think of waria subject discourse.
The last important landscape is on the perspective seeing waria as the subject of knowledge, sexualities, and religiosities, covered by the term gender consciousness. This term is the result of rethinking and acknowledging waria subjectivity in understanding their subject position in social and religious lives.Pragmatically, this statement provides a tool of framework to recognize waria as equally with others. It can be seen from the real affiliation of several events, which are parts of Religious Practice Partnering Program, such as Isra’ Mi’raj and Fiqh Indonesia Seminar. Furthermore, this kind of recognition emerges within the global and local concept of Islamic liberation theology and aswaja that make them consider waria as minorities which should be protected, rather than discriminated.
Finally, in such reflection, the discourse of LGBT represented by waria santri, the activism of NU scholars, and their interaction in collaboration notify an alternative worldview to discern a global issue from the local context, in this case is Indonesia. The author concludes the result of this research by saying that this kind of discourse is formed through referring Islamic liberation theology, aswaja, and more specifically the term mukhanats, within global Islam. In the process of interaction, these are interpreted and understood within local context of Indonesia presented by waria case in terms of social and religious life through the act of collaboration under the umbrella of Nahdlatul Ulama and PMII, as organizations tied by aswaja both ideology and methodology. In brief, the rethinking of waria space in the context of Indonesian Islam at the intersection of local and global offers a new expectation and gives a recommendation for all people who do not fit gender binaries but they seek religious practice and experience in their lives.
Rethinking Waria Discourse in Indonesian and Global Islam: The Collaboration between Nahdlatul Ulama Islamic University Activists and Waria Santri | Author: Hary Widyantoro (CRCS, 2013)

Mark Woodward

Defining Hate Speech: An Interview with Mark Woodward

HeadlineInterviewNews Friday, 19 February 2016

Mark woodward3Two of the most challenging questions faced by those promoting freedom of speech is to what extent speech is free and whether there are kinds of speech which should be restricted. Very often this brings about a dilemma, since restriction can be seen as the opposite of freedom. This is partly because there are people who can utilize the freedom of speech to spread hatred or incite harm to other people or to the well-being of society in general. The question: Is there room for hate speech within free speech? How should hate speech be defined? On February 15, 2016, CRCS student Azis Anwar Fachrudin interviewed Mark Woodward on the question of religious hate speech. Woodward is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at Arizona State University (ASU) and is also affiliated with the Center for the Study of Religion and Conflict there. He was a Visiting Professor, teaching at the Center for Religious and Cross-cultural Studies (CRCS), Gadjah Mada University, for several years. He has written books related to Islam in Java and Indonesian Islam in general, as well as more than fifty scholarly journal articles, including “Hate Speech and the Indonesian Islamic Defenders Front” co-authored with several others including CRCS alumnus Ali Amin and ICRS alumna Inayah Rohmaniyah and published by the ASU Center for Strategic Communication in 2012. On February 17, 2016, he presented in the CRCS/ICRS Wednesday Forum, on the subject of “Hate Speech and Sectarianism.”
***
Hate speech is quite complex to define, but if someone asks you about it, how would you first define and explain it?
There is no any academic or political consensus on what is and what is not hate speech. It varies considerably from one country to the next when we’re thinking about it in political or legal ways. I think though that we can say that hate speech does two things. It treats or defines people as being less human and in higher level involves demonization. And that’s sometimes quite literal. One of the reasons why I use FPI [Islamic Defenders Front; in Indonesian, Front Pembela Islam, abbreviated as FPI] as an example is that it is so clear when they say, for example, Azyumardi is iblis [the devil]…
Or Ahok is kafir [an infidel] … this counts as hate speech?
Yes, calling people iblis is one level up. At its highest level, hate speech is defining people as archetype of evil. Once you define people in these ways, then you’re just defied, at least in your mind, in calling for the organization to be outlawed. Sometimes, [you’re called] to kill them. We’ve seen that.
So, there are scales of hate speech…
Ya, scales. Lower level of hate speech would be simply saying that a group or an individual is sesat or deviant, and it moves up from there… at the highest level it calls “kill them!” Literally calling for violence. In almost any level it can be used to justify violence; it can be used for purposes of political mobilization. That’s particularly powerful when it’s used by either large NGOs or by governments.
Your paper is opened by a quite provocative statement. It says, “FPI is a domestic Indonesian terrorist organization.” How can you say that it’s terrorist?
It is a terrorist organization; it deliberately seeks to terrorize people. Terror is a state of mind; it is a psychological and sociological term. It is spreading extreme fear in people. This is what FPI does…
But they would certainly reject to be called terrorist…
Most certainly they reject it, so does Jamaah Islamiyah; they would respond that they weren’t terrorist; they were mujahidin. No one, or very few people, will say “I am a terrorist.” But look at what they do, though. They threaten people; they terrify, beat and sometimes kill them. I have no problem calling them terrorist at all.
So you’re prepared to take the risk of saying that.
I’m perfectly prepared to call them terrorists. This is an academic judgment. I know that there are people who for political reason would restrict the use of terrorism, to think like suicide bombing. But that’s a political judgment, not an academic judgment.
To support your thesis, you’re collecting data from what FPI has done to particularly Ahmadis and those who are considered to be deviant…
Anyone they consider to be deviant… and people who don’t fast during Ramadan, or gay and lesbian people, and increasingly Shia…
But I think there’s one thing quite important from [FPI founder] Habib Rizieq as he was once giving a sermon, I watched it on Youtube, in which he’s making three categories of Shiites (Ghulat, Rafidah, Mu’tadilah). Have you made a note about this?
I have not seen that. I very much like to. Habib Rizieq has been somewhat more reluctant to be critical of Shia than he has of Ahmadiyah and liberals. Most of the examples that we use in that paper are about liberals. It has been successful to the extent that people are now very reluctant to call themselves liberals. If you’re calling yourself a liberal, you’re putting yourself at risk.
Actually the attackers of Shiites in Sampang were not FPI, right? And this is particularly because FPI has a view on Shia that is different from theirs.
There are a lot of different organizations that are behind anti-Shia, as well as anti-Ahmadiyah. One of the alarming features of this is that hatred toward Shia has brought people who normally would not be on the same side. Very good example of that is, if you look at Forum Umat Islam and their publication called Suara Islam, then you look at the editorial board… you have Habib Rizieq, and you have [Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid’s leader] Abu Bakar Baasyir. And Baasyir is Salafi-Wahabi.
Salafi-Wahabi?
It’s clear from what he has written; it’s clear from the people he denounces. He speaks frequently and forcefully about concepts like bid’ah, khurafat, syirik, denouncing ziarah kubur, and things like that. And Habib Rizieq is… habib… (who likes to gather people to do) salawat…
Closer to NU in terms of rituals…
Closer to NU, and to other habibs [a title typically referring to Prophet Muhammad’s descendants]. I’ve been to events at the masjid and bazaar near FPI and you have salawat, you have maulid, all the things… If you went to see Habib Luthfi, you would see the same sort of ritual. So this is a new development in political Islam in Indonesia. You would find those groups on the same side; it is really only hatred of someone else that brings them together.
A common enemy creates a new alliance…
That’s right. “The enemy of my enemy is my friend.”
One of your main theses in that paper is that the government cannot stop FPI violence because it fears appearing non-Islamic. Does that imply that what FPI has done is actually in accordance with the common will of the people they’re trying or pretending to defend?
That’s a very difficult question. It does seem to be clear that at least at the beginning—maybe no longer true—FPI was linked to elements within the police and military. I don’t think that the majority of Indonesians support the sweepings. We haven’t seen these recently as much as we had; they were for a while. But there are many people who are afraid to oppose them publicly because there are threats.
Because of threats or because what FPI is doing is Islamic?
Well, there are people who would agree with what they say, but not agree with their methods. There are people who would be very strong political opponent of Shia and Ahmadiyah on religious ground, but they would not consider violence to be justified. We need to be very clear on those differences. The issue is not whether or not you agree with someone’s religion. I may not agree with Salafi-Wahabi teachings, but I’m not going to go and say that they should be killed. It’s criminality, not theology. It’s actions that are important… or inciting violence. That’s very complicated and you’ll question. There is a paradox, between controlling hate speech and defending free speech. This is a paradox that has no clear resolution; no easy answer.
I think one of the political strategies to minimize or to stop FPI violence is to cut the ties between FPI and the police.
Well, that’s definitely one thing that needs to be done. I don’t even know whether this still operates. Certainly the police are not willing to clamp down on them very hard. There are some people who think that if they did, it would only get worse. There are other people who think they don’t have the power to do that. But I don’t believe that. Because the Indonesian security forces have proven themselves to be extremely effective in cracking down groups like Jamaah Islamiyah. If they wanted… if they decided to shutdown FPI, they could. I don’t have any doubt about that. FPI does have a much broader basis of support than Jemaah Islamiyah. Because they are not talking about things like establishing a caliphate…
They are talking more about amar ma’ruf nahy munkar [Quranic injunction to “enjoin what is right and forbid what is wrong”]…
Yeah, and they are talking about aliran sesat [heretical movements].
And basically it doesn’t have a problem with Pancasila, right?
No, it doesn’t have a problem with Pancasila. Honestly, groups like FPI and partly MMI are more difficult to deal with than Jamaah Islamiyah…
Because they can operate within the government…
Because they can operate within the government… and they can operate basically within the framework of things that are considered to be religiously acceptable. Being habib has a great deal of prestige.
Rizieq’s “habib-ness” makes a great deal…
His habib-ness is part of what gives him religious authority for many people. This is certainly true of many of his followers…. preman [gangsters], and some mantan preman.
Coming back to the topic of hate speech. Do you think Indonesia should have a law banning hate speech, such as calling others as kafir or…?
There are some regulations that were issued by the national police; no one pays any attention to them. But I think this is a political choice that only the people of Indonesia can make. No matter what choice they make, there will be people who will be critical. And again, if you look at this in a world wide way, in functioning democracies, you’ll find, for example, in the United States you can say the most terrible thing you want. But in Germany, if you say anything good about Nazis or if you display Nazi symbols, you get arrested. There is a wide range of strategies.
Yeah, limits on free speech create new dilemmas…
Right, that’s absolutely right. A strong government would not tolerate hate speech. On the other hand, maybe there are other people who would say this is a price we have to pay for democracy. This is where the paradox comes. Democracy is always messy and noisy.
Would you prefer to say that, for example, [rising FPI leader] Sobri Lubis who was saying that it is lawful to shed the blood of Ahmadis should not be punished?
He probably crosses the line, because he very clearly says kill the people and directly incites a crime. I don’t think it causes problem with free speech to prosecute people who encourage others to kill people. This is probably the line. Actively encouraging violence is probably the line.
So, one line that, I think, can be agreed on by all people is inciting physical violence, right?
I think so. I think you could have a broad consensus of opinion that says that this (encouraging violence) is too much.
One last question. Since you’re mostly dealing with FPI, would you further your research to reach other cases such as, the most recent, Gafatar in Kalimantan Barat and Ahmadiyah in Bangka? They are not done by FPI, but people around them.
Yes. An important question here is, what are the social processes at work? In the last ten years, there has been a climate that promotes or indirectly promotes this kind of thing; that it becomes socially acceptable in ways that it probably would not have been before. Ahmadis have been in Indonesia peacefully for more than a hundred years. Both Muhammadiyah and NU have issued fatwa that said this is sesat. Nobody did encourage any kind of violence. Shia? No one cared at all, because the Shia didn’t bother any body. All these have been an invented crisis in the last ten years. Who is kambing hitam here? Belum jelas.
Do you think that it has something to do with, like some would say, Wahhabism?
Well, partly. It’s definitely a global phenomenon. The paper that we’re talking about is part of a global research project. And we have seen the same thing in Nigeria, which is a country where there are no Ahmadis and Shia. People there are going around, talking about the danger of the Shia… even though there are no Shias! It is in one way a global phenomenon.
Ok, Pak Mark. That’s all. Thank you so much.
Azis Anwar Fachrudin | CRCS | Interviews

123

Instagram

What happens when climate change is measured not o What happens when climate change is measured not only through data, but also through lived experience?

This presentation examines how local and Indigenous knowledges reveal forms of loss and damage that often remain invisible in conventional climate assessments, while offering valuable insights for adaptation and resilience.
Come and join this thought-provoking discussion with @rebecca.meckelburg at #wednesdayforum.
We provide snacks and drinks, don't forget to bring your tumbler. This event is free and open to public.
Jangan lupa daftar ya! Sampai bertemu di Februari Jangan lupa daftar ya!
Sampai bertemu di Februari 2027 🤭🤗

#sekolahpascasarjanaugm #crcsugm
Ready to Enroll? Admission for the even semester h Ready to Enroll?
Admission for the even semester has begun.

🔥
What if "Mecca" is not always in Mecca? Across the What if "Mecca" is not always in Mecca?
Across the Indonesian archipelago, Muslims have developed ways of bringing, imagining, and reconfiguring Mecca within local landscapes. One fascinating case is Tembayat in Central Java—a pilgrimage site shaped by Islamic, Javanese, and Sufi traditions  situated in a landscape with a much older Hindu-Buddhist history.

So, is Tembayat simply a “little Mecca”?
Or something more complicated?

Come and join this thought-provoking discussion at #wednesdayforum.
We provide snacks and drinks, don't forget to bring your tumbler. This event is free and open to public.
Follow on Instagram

Twitter

Tweets by crcsugm

Universitas Gadjah Mada

Gedung Sekolah Pascasarjana UGM, 3rd Floor
Jl. Teknika Utara, Pogung, Yogyakarta, 55284
Email address: crcs@ugm.ac.id

 

© CRCS - Universitas Gadjah Mada

KEBIJAKAN PRIVASI/PRIVACY POLICY