| Title | : | Kuman Mahwadhi-wadhi: The Symbol of Harmonization between Culture and Religion |
| Author | : | Thisye Ollyvie Pangkerego (CRCS, 2006) |
| Keywords | : | religion, culture, harmonization, acculturation, symbol |
| Abstract | : | |
| Kuman Mahwadhi-Wadhi as a practice of eating together is such an important part of every Christian rites in Kembes, a village in Minahasa. This practice is a harmonization which is result from the acculturation and purification of Christian with local culture. Clifford Geertz concept about culture as a pattern of meaning or the ideas including symbols which with that the community performs their knowledge about life and expressing that into certain symbols- is a right explanation in how we see and analyze the meaning of every culture symbols.An acculturation between Christian and local culture in Kuman Mahwadhi-wadhi form has some meaning of symbols: Gratefulness to Empung Wailan Wangko as a source of everything in human life as local culture belief was purified with new meaning as a gratefulness to God-a source of blessing. The Unity among this community is inspired by Mapalus system-living in togetherness and share helps each other in everything. Its value is reinforcing with an explanation that community is a Body of Christ that living together and sharing love each other. Equality is emphasized to interaction of Kembes community. It describes an understanding about the Sacrifation of Jesus Christ who come and become a man into the world, and cleans the sin of this world.As a run of time, the harmonization is facing with some conflicts caused of modernity. Kuman Mahwadhi-wadhi does not understanding as a holy part of a rites, but now, it tends to be an appendix which related to social status of the member of the community. It is also become a life style of consumerist. It is clear that Kuman Mahwadhi-wadhi has a differentiation meaning; unfortunately, it is supported by church, which does not make a move to reform the meaning of the symbols. | ||
Arsip:
Thesis Review
| Title | : | Interaction Patterns of Arab Descendants’ Community and Local Population in Gapuro Sukolilo Village, Gresik |
| Author | : | Ummu Hafidzah (CRCS, 2007) |
| Keywords | : | acculturation, assimilation, overt culture, covert culture |
| Abstract | : | |
| This research aims at describing the interaction patterns of kampong Arab Gresik society that is heterogenic and their impacts to the culture of population there. The hypotheses that are proposed here are: (1) generally, Arab descendants can be grouped in two characteristics: Firstly, people who have been integrated to society by assimilation process; secondly, people who still have had an identity of Arabness and existed in acculturation border; (2) the impact of the integration, the intrinsic part of Arab descendants society’s culture (overt culture) has changed and the extrinsic one (covert culture) has still held and practiced. Subject of thesis research is Arab descendants’ community in Gapuro Sukolilo Village, Gresik. The colleting data is attained by using observing participants, and taking the in depth interview to such a person, scholars, and certain respondent who have any relation to the topic being researched. Later on, the data, which collected through field research and library research, are then analyzed descriptively, interpretively, and critically as well. The research finding shows that there are various factors which influence the integration process in Gapuro Sukolilo Village. They come not only from Arabic ethnic group itself but also from local population. The supporting factors are mixed marriage and economic cooperation. The inhibiting factors are prejudice and stereotype. Besides, there are binding factors that can minimize conflict: similarity of religion, interdependence and brotherhood feeling. The impact of integration to Arab descendants’ community can be seen on their extrinsic (physical) culture such as rites (rites of passages and rites of Islamic holy days), traditions (food, building, language, art, and medicinal treatment), values (education and women’s position), and symbols (dress and mosque). But, they have still held on some intrinsic culture, like kafa’ah (equality of rank), patriarchal system in kinship, and way of visiting. Besides, the Arab descendants’ community also influences local population, in physical culture (language, dress, and art), and religious practices (path for mystics, celebration of Prophet’s birthday, and commemoration of every year’s death). |
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| Title | : | The Beati Ritual for Moslem Teenage Girls within the Culture of Gorontalo Society |
| Author | : | Yowan Tamu (CRCS, 2009) |
| Keywords | : | Beati, moslem teenage girls, Gorontalo society |
| Abstract | : | |
| The research is themed on “The ritual of Beati for Moslem Teenage Girls within the Society of Gorontalo”. Beati is a ritual to change status from a little girl to teenager. This research aims to provide Islamic spiritual understanding for teenage girls who are growing up and whose understanding on Islam is not yet considered perfect before conducting Beati.The research is an ethnographic one where all data is based on perspectives, arrangement, and understanding of certain society including rules, norms, and categories lived trough by the society. This study is completed through data analysis, observation, and information from informants. The observation and data analysis are similar, which is information on essential aspects of Beati that embrace all agents of the ritual, teenage girls as well as those girls who are not yet underwent the process. The research is conducted in the regency of Marisa, Pohuwato district. It takes six months to observe the ritual’s preparation process, realization, and after ritual process. This research is accomplished by conducting observation, interview, and documentation. It tries to answer three main questions. First, how does the ritual of Beati exist and what is its role in developing mental, spiritual, and characters of teenage girls in Marisa? Second, why does the ritual of Beati still exist amidst the strong cultural penetration everywhere? Third, how do the people of Marisa accept the ritual in their life? The research concludes that Beati shapes mental and character of teenage girls to be well-mannered, morally good, and responsible to themselves as well as to others. Some of people also view the ritual as a way to preserve local culture. However, there are others who see it as no longer relevant to present condition. |
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| Title | : | Identity, Comodification, and Domination: the Manifestation of Hinduism in Bali |
| Author | : | Yulianingsih Riswan (CRCS, 2008) |
| Keywords | : | culture, identity politics, commoditization |
| Abstract | : | |
| This thesis reports on ethnographic fieldwork in Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia on July-October, 2007. Hinduism as religion of Bali has become the spirit of Balinese culture. And Bali’s culture has become a powerful political symbol and economic resource in the information age, where the development of the service economy (including tourism) provides new opportunities to marginal groups and new challenge to dominant ones.This report take the way in which culture is produced, possessed and often transformed into commodity for the market: the role of such reified culture in relation of inequality: the ownership of culture as a tool of identity and nation building. This allows us to expand our understanding of cultural property: as a tool available to any group seeking confirmation of an identity perceived to be under threat vis a vis wider power structure. The thesis begins with description of contemporary Balinese, the transformation of its economy and a brief history of tourism. The relationship between ritual and economy is discussed both in general terms and ethnographic detail to provide insight into the context of cultural ideas in which tourist development has taken place. The spatial organization of ritual reveals patterns of cultural order and political influence as key factors in understanding the contemporary situation. Then, religion of Bali has contributed for the social life of thing such as culture identity, source of commodity, and also political power for domination. |
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| Title | : | The Meaning of Tirakatan Tradition for Santri Society in Yogyakarta: A Study of the Tirakatan Tradition to Commemorate Indonesia’s Independence Day in Kauman and Mlangi Society |
| Author | : | Zunly Nadia (CRCS, 2006) |
| Keywords | : | tirakatan, religion and tradition |
| Abstract | : | |
| The tirakatan tradition to commemorate Indonesian’s Independence Day is done by Yogyakarta society the night before 17th of August. Almost all of Yogyakarta society does this tradition either in the village or in urban area in every neighborhood (RT). Since an independent day, Tirakatan tradition has done as expression of gratitude to God for the Independence Day.This research uses socio-anthropology as a approach by seeing the social and cultural phenomena in the society and then seeking how the society gives a meaning those phenomena. Besides that, this research also uses historical approach for knowing detail the internal and external factors supporting tirakatan tradition that is done by Mlangi society and does not done by Kauman society.Every community in Yogyakarta does this tirakatan tradition in a different way. In Mlangi society where traditional Islam is a majority, tirakatan is done in every RT by tahlilan that is lead by kyai (a religious leader or the leader of an Islamic boarding school) and after that reading sholawat together in the mosque as a center of the activity in Mlangi society. On the contrary, in Kauman society where modern Islam is a majority, they do not do tirakatan tradition because it is not compatible with their religious understanding. In this case, religious understanding is the important element influencing the realization of tirakatan tradition because it is related to the wrestling of religion and tradition. Tirakatan tradition is related to the symbolic Javanese society, including religion, world view, ethics, and Javanese culture as a whole. Those of couse have philosophical meaning and deeply spiritual value. Besides this relation, we can also see tirakatan tradition in the three framework meanings, i.e modernity, religion and culture of ancestors. Those three frameworks have relation and influence to each other in the tirakatan event. We can see tirakatan tradition in the modern framework, because this tradition commemorates the Independence Day. We can see tirakatan tradition in the religious framework, because religious understanding is an important factor that influences this tradition. Whereas, in the culture of ancestors, the tirakatan tradition is based on Javanese culture. Tirakat is used by the Javanese as self calmness and a medium of communication to God. This proofed that the society cannot be independent without these three frameworks. From these frameworks, we can see the plurality meaning of tirakatan based on the society background. |
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| Title | : | Kiai Langgar and Kalebun: A Study on The Contestation of Two Cultural Brokers in A Non-Pesantren in Madura, Indonesia |
| Author | : | Muhammad Endy Saputro (CRCS, 2008) |
| Keywords | : | cultural broker, Madura, discursive tradition |
| Abstract | : | |
| Madura is one of thousand Indonesian islands which identical with kiai and the pesantren. Through the pesantren, the kiai institutionalizes Islamic knowledge into Madurese people. However, what happens if a Madurese village has no pesantren (Islamic boarding school)? My research reveals that the absence of pesantren in Madura raises a contestation of cultural brokers.There are two cultural brokers in Gapurana, namely the Kalebun (leader of the village) and the Kiai Langgar (religious leader of a small mosque). Those two have their own parameter to implement the tradition in that village. These parameters evoke two distinctive traditions in Gapurana, they are the kalebun’s tradition and the kiai’s tradition. The kalebun’s tradition is based on the Madurese historical precedence and on the other hand, the kiai’s tradition is based on Qur’an and tradition of the prophet Muhammad. Applying critically Talal Asad’s concept on tradition (1993; 1996a; 1996b), I analyze those two contestations.Based on my fieldwork, I find that although the kalebun’s tradition gives negative effects of the Gapuranese economics, the Gapuranese people remain conduct the kalebun’s tradition. On the other hand, the kyai’s tradition seeks to prevent the Gapuranese from the negative effects of the kalebun’s tradition. | ||
